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CHAPTER 17

A Warning to Leaders and Legislators

 

CONSTANT, SYSTEMATIC ENCROACHMENTS ON THE ECONOMIC RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE CAN LEAD TO WAR.

What kind of war? We cannot know for sure. But there are clues:

  1. Most probably, the war would be modeled after America's war against British encroachments; and
  2. It would be imprudent for the next Washington, Jefferson, etc., to ignore the known principles of war -- the most famous being those of Carl von Clausewitz.

Following Clausewitz, the strategy of a war can be inferred from: its causes; its objectives; the means and policies of the parties; etc.1 Its character, outline, and its parts can be inferred from: the policies of the parties; their initial conditions; their political demands; the relations between them; their capacities, capabilities, and financial resources; the probabilities of the possible outcomes; etc.2

Therefore, we are not really fully deprived of means of discovery.

The war can be simulated using thought or gedanken experiments. These can be used to project in advance the structure of the war, and the manner in which the war can or must unfold. The important point here is this: we can anticipate the Plan of War. The more important point is this: we must anticipate what must be done to avoid the war altogether.

The Gedanken Plan of war is discussed in the next Chapter. The Plan is clearly theoretical and speculative. It is by design neither comprehensive nor complete. Many factors, conditions, uncertainties, dangers, alternatives, etc., are not discussed. The Plan contains no discussion of: (1) how to organize, combine, and deploy forces; (2) the methods for splitting enemy forces; (3) secret intelligence; (4) psychological operations; (5) stratagems and deceit; (6) violence, insurrection, and guerilla warfare; (7) flanking operations; (8) strategic and tactical methods for disrupting or cutting lines of communications and lines of retreat, etc. The intellectual basis for the Plan is strictly Carl von Clausewitz's famous treatise, Vom Kriege or On War, first published posthumously by Clausewitz's widow in 1832.

Thomas Paine wrote: "Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered."3 In revealing aspects of the Gedanken Plan of War, I do not deal with the hell of war; instead, I have three purposes:

Purpose 1. I want to warn the leaders of the Money Trust about the potential disasters they may have to confront if the current inequities, failures, and predatory practices of the marketplace are intensified and globalized. The People can retaliate against perceived economic attacks against their interests. More important, the People can impose substantial costs on economic aggressors. A powerful bank may be able to destabilize individual borrowers -- one borrower at a time; but the people can destabilize the whole financial system -- in one fell swoop.

Purpose 2. I want to show how the Tyranny of the Majority can be exercised to achieve with greater perfection what Thomas Paine called the "Rights of Man."4 The Tyranny of the Majority can defeat economic aggressions against the People. The Electorate can compel the Legislature to fulfill the Will of the People. It can direct the Legislature to restructure the whole Legal System and eliminate the net advantages of Big Business and Big Government over the People.

Purpose 3. I want to warn Politicians and Legislators about the causes of the economic instabilities that seem to be emerging everywhere. The global struggle for world mastery over Man -- as economic servant or slave -- can be most ruinous. The dominion of the Masters of the Marketplace over Man is not possible without net advantages for the Masters -- at the expense of the Citizen. The denying of this reality -- the reality of the corruption of the Legislatives -- can have cataclysmic consequences. If the Legislatives are not altered in the most fundamental way, they risk assured global dissolution of governments from within.

John Locke on the Foundation for Rebellion. Locke's warnings against the destructive dangers to the peace anticipated both the American and the French revolutions. Locke argued as follows: there is no reason why "honest men" would not rebel against "mischief" [illegal attempts against liberties or properties]; why? because if "honest men" did not oppose "robbers or pirates," it wouldn't be "because this may occasion disorder or bloodshed."5

The current economic mischief is rooted in flawed legislative structures and judicial processes -- in deep inequalities. Legislators must abolish completely all the unfair, all the unjust net advantages that are implicate in the System of Laws (more on this in Book III). The principles of duties and responsibilities must be absolutely consistent with the Principles of Justice and Fairness.

John Rawls on Justice. John Rawls developed two principles of justice:

  1. "each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive basic liberty compatible with a similar liberty for others"; and
  2. "social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are both (a) reasonably expected to be to everyone's advantage, and (b) attached to positions and offices open to all."6

UNFORTUNATELY, MANY ASPECTS OF JUSTICE EFFECTIVELY VIOLATE RAWLS' "PRIORITY OF LIBERTY" AND "PRIORITY OF JUSTICE." MOST PEOPLE ARE GIVING UP TOO MUCH OF THEIR FUNDAMENTAL LIBERTIES FOR TRIVIAL OR DECEPTIVE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC GAINS.

 


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1 See Carl von Clausewitz, On War (1832), edited with an Introduction and Notes by Anatol Rapoport, 1968, at 241-249 (Strategy), 249-250 (Elements of Strategy), 367-371 (Absolute and Real War), and 401-410 (War as an Instrument of Policy).

2 Ibid., at 371-374 (Interdependence of the Parts in War), especially 373 (character and main outline of war), 374-388 (Of the Magnitude of the Object of the War, and the Efforts to be made), especially 374 (capabilities), 375 (capacities), and 381 (financial means).

3 See Thomas Paine, American Crisis I (1776), in Rights of Man, Common Sense, and Other Political Writings, edited with an Introduction by Mark Philp, 1995, at 63.

4 See Thomas Paine, Rights of Man (1791 and 1792), in Rights of Man, Common Sense, and Other Political Writings, 1995, at 83-97 (Answer to Mr Burke's Attack on the French Revolution), 199-331 (Part the Second, Combining Principle and Practice).

5 See John Locke, Second Treatise of Government (1690), edited by C.B. Macpherson, 1980, at 115.

6 See John Rawls, A Theory of Justice, 1971, at 60 and 302 (Two Principles of Justice; The Priority of Liberty and The Priority of Justice over Efficiency and Welfare); see also John Rawls, Political Liberalism, 1993 and 1996.

  

 


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